If I am correct, the premise of this thread seems to be that the governments need to take legal action against deniers for deliberately misinforming the public. The ultimate goal of such action is presumably a better informed public. Voters with more understanding of climate change risks will presumably put more pressure on their government to develop stronger public policy responses to climate change.
My problems with the premises:
I find it unlikely that deniers have much if any effects on public informing themselves. The largest influence on people informing themselves is information availability and their personal inclinations. People have inbuilt biases and tend to reinforce these biases by selecting the information that falls neatly into their world view.
I find it unlikely that deniers have much effect on government policy regarding climate change.
Public will cast their vote (public pressure) according to their hierarchy of concerns. Economic concerns trump environmental concerns with the majority of voters, informed or uninformed on climate change.
Most if not all governments are already making great strides in developing various policies that underpin environment preservation. Major policy makers stumbling blocks and concerns when unleashing new environmental policies are related to a risk that the new policy may undermine economic growth.
An interesting article in The Economist, Environmental regulations may not cost as much as governments and business fear, looks at the economic effects of environmental policies.
Policies in most developed countries have become stricter since 1990.
Stringency index demonstrates that most governments have more than doubled their environmental efforts in the last couple of decades. It is likely that this effort will keep rising at faster than linear rate in the future.
My view is that the scarce government resources are far better utilized in continually improving and adding to their existing policies as they seem to be doing. The impediments to government work in this area has more to do with other concerns unrelated to deniers. Chasing deniers seem futile to me, resembling Don Quixote fights, better left to public and each individual to sort out for themselves.
My problems with the premises:
I find it unlikely that deniers have much if any effects on public informing themselves. The largest influence on people informing themselves is information availability and their personal inclinations. People have inbuilt biases and tend to reinforce these biases by selecting the information that falls neatly into their world view.
I find it unlikely that deniers have much effect on government policy regarding climate change.
Public will cast their vote (public pressure) according to their hierarchy of concerns. Economic concerns trump environmental concerns with the majority of voters, informed or uninformed on climate change.
Most if not all governments are already making great strides in developing various policies that underpin environment preservation. Major policy makers stumbling blocks and concerns when unleashing new environmental policies are related to a risk that the new policy may undermine economic growth.
An interesting article in The Economist, Environmental regulations may not cost as much as governments and business fear, looks at the economic effects of environmental policies.
This does not mean it has been impossible to study climate policies. But without macro-environmental indicators, studies have largely been restricted to individual laws, such as America’s Clean Air Act. For the most part, they have found that these laws have little impact. As a recent review of the literature* concluded, the effects on “employment and productivity…appear to be small and transitory…the estimated effects…on trade and investment location so far are negligible.” That is fine, as far as it goes. But national climate policies are increasingly ambitious, ranging from vehicle-emission standards and clean-water requirements to controls on power stations. Policymakers need to know not just the impact of individual measures but the combined effect of all their environmental policies.
‘Researchers at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), a club mostly of rich countries, recently constructed the first comprehensive set of data on environmental strictness and its effect on productivity.† The researchers got around the difficulties of incomplete national accounts by calculating an index based on the explicit or implicit price of green policies. If a price is explicit—say, that of a traded pollution permit—the calculation is reasonably straightforward. If it is implicit—arising from restrictions on vehicle emissions, for example—the researchers estimated a relative score based on a scale of zero to six (zero means the policy is absent; six represents the most stringent measure in force). They combined this and other data to create a composite indicator of “environmental policy stringency” (EPS) for 24 OECD countries from 1990 to 2012. Using the ORBIS database of information on 44m companies, they were then able to calculate how changes in the EPS indicator affected manufacturing firms.’
Policies in most developed countries have become stricter since 1990.
More importantly, the new study confirms earlier findings about the impact of individual measures: “an increase in stringency of environmental policies does not harm productivity growth.” This contradicts what most governments and companies seem to believe: that green rules may be justified by the need to save the planet but impose immediate economic costs.
Lastly, it is possible that the kind of environmental policy matters a lot—whether it is broadly market-based (such as a carbon price) or not (such as bans or regulations). To measure this, the researchers constructed a second index, using a questionnaire to look at matters such as the administrative burden associated with getting an environmental permit or whether new firms face higher barriers to entry as a result of green rules. The index is only a snapshot—but is enough to show that environmental strictness and market-friendliness are not the same. The Netherlands is strict but competition-friendly; Italy is lax but anti-competitive; Germany is strict and burdensome. Perhaps countries should pay as much attention to the quality of their environmental legislation as to its stringency.
Stringency index demonstrates that most governments have more than doubled their environmental efforts in the last couple of decades. It is likely that this effort will keep rising at faster than linear rate in the future.
My view is that the scarce government resources are far better utilized in continually improving and adding to their existing policies as they seem to be doing. The impediments to government work in this area has more to do with other concerns unrelated to deniers. Chasing deniers seem futile to me, resembling Don Quixote fights, better left to public and each individual to sort out for themselves.