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Actually, the federal government has overturned a large number of those laws as being unconstitutional.

No, they have not.

That's not even a thing the part of the "federal government" you've been discussing can do....and the only major carry law state restriction they've overturned was one that required you to give a "reason" you wanted a permit. The decision made it very clear they can still apply their own state licensing/permitting rules in many other ways under the powers reserved to the states under the 10th and that while NY went too far in trying to justify the rules by claiming "all of NYC" as a sensitive place, they also made it clear that regulating guns by the individual states in ACTUAL sensitive places remains constitutional--- as does a slew of OTHER state-by-state regulations of firearms. (see for example the DIFFERENT state by state laws out there on carrying in a place that serves alcohol-- or if you can drink any while carrying-- all of which remain in force because regulating that is a right of the states).


And that's concerning an explicit right under the 2nd amendment. Nobody has a "right to turn right on red" so suggesting the feds can magically overturn state laws on such stuff is...a weird take.



There are a decent number of federal laws that affect sales of goods within a state, many of which have been upheld by the courts on the basis that sales within a state affect the market for similar goods sold across state lines.

You keep confusing "regulating the sale of a thing" with "regulating traffic laws"

Nobody sells traffic laws, nobody buys traffic laws-- -there is no interstate commerce (or commerce of ANY kind) in laws of traffic so they can not be regulated under the commerce clause


So I would not assume that the federal government cannot do that merely because they haven't taken action. It is far more likely that they just don't care enough to do so.

Your assumption, like all the ones you've made so far, is fundamentally wrong.

Hell we have direct proof it's wrong.

See the 55 mph speed limit.

The government did not mandate the states impose one-- because they knew for a fact they lack the constitutional power to do so

Instead the best they could do was threaten to use the spending power to spend less highway money in any state that didn't voluntarily go along with it.


It would've been MUCH easier and simpler to just mandate it under federal law but that is not a thing they have the power to do

Same here.



Not remotely the same. Traffic laws have to be enforced upon someone

So do conceal carry laws.

Or liquor laws.

Or a myriad of other things that are reserved for the states to regulate if they wish under the 10th amendment.



. Traffic laws enforced against the car's owner affect the value of cars in interstate commerce

.... what?

How does getting a speeding ticket, or a ticket for an illegal right on red, "affect the value of the cars in interstate commerce"?

That's nonsensical.


Traffic laws enforced against the manufacturer represent interference by the states in interstate commerce.

That's even MORE nonsensical.




So although states theoretically have the right to regulate traffic laws, it isn't nearly that clear-cut in practice.

It really, really, is.

See again the 55 mph speed limit. (and every time SINCE the the supreme court has spoken on this issue they've been even more clear you're wrong- see South Dakota v. Dole 13 years later for an example of that).

Your fundamental understanding of this is not based in facts, reality, or anything remotely approaching a valid understanding of US law.
 
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Way less than the cost of autonomous vehicles violating the law en masse, I'd imagine. :)


Actually, autonomous vehicle sales are interstate commerce, which Congress has the right to regulate. So I would argue that they absolute can say "Here is a complete list of road rules that any autonomous vehicle must obey."
More ticket income for NYC. Seriously though, if a manufacturer knows that RTOR is illegal in NYC, they will just program that in.
 
You keep confusing "regulating the sale of a thing" with "regulating traffic laws"

I'm not confusing anything. The thing is a device that is designed to drive in traffic. Therefore, applying a state's specific traffic laws in a manner that compels that those devices build in specific functionality is per se applying state laws in a manner that affects interstate commerce, which means the federal government has authority to pass laws that overrule any such regulations.

But if that weren't enough, the mere fact that it involves transportation automatically gives the federal government the authority to regulate it, because even private vehicles compete against commercial transportation.

More to the point, the federal government has explicitly had the right to override state transportation laws for almost two hundred years. In Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), the supreme court found that the U.S. government has the legal authority to regulate transportation, including the right to preempt conflicting state laws.

In Gibbons, the state of New York's waterways to Robert R. Livingston and Robert Fulton. Another party, Gibbons, had registered his steamboat in a federal registry established by federal law. The courts held that the federal registry preempted the state-level licensure.

I really don't see any meaningful difference between the federal government establishing national-level rules for registering and operating steamboats and doing the same for autonomous vehicles. The fact that the states have a much larger pool of laws established over a much longer period of time does make federal preemption a much bigger pain in the backside for the states, but the legal framework is still there for doing so, and a two century-old precedent seems unlikely to be discarded even by the current SCOTUS.
 
I'm not confusing anything. The thing is a device that is designed to drive in traffic.

And a small pistol is designed to be carried concealed.

But while the feds get to regulate the manufacture and commerce of the device they do not get to regulate its use that way.

That's a power reserved for the states.

Just like the feds can require new passenger cars are made with seatbelts but they can not set if a driver is required to use them

Again you do not understand the fundamentals of what rights the federal government has vs those of the states.

You need to do a lot more reading about this topic before trying to have a discussion about it because you consistently get basic and fundamental concepts incorrect.


But if that weren't enough, the mere fact that it involves transportation automatically gives the federal government the authority to regulate it, because even private vehicles compete against commercial transportation.

Again they can regulate the manufacture and commerce of the vehicle

There is no commerce of any kind in "local road traffic laws" so your trying to fit the round peg of "commerce clause" into the square hole of "local traffic laws" continues to be hilariously misguided.


More to the point, the federal government has explicitly had the right to override state transportation laws for almost two hundred years. In Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), the supreme court found that the U.S. government has the legal authority to regulate transportation, including the right to preempt conflicting state laws.

In Gibbons, the state of New York's waterways to Robert R. Livingston and Robert Fulton. Another party, Gibbons, had registered his steamboat in a federal registry established by federal law. The courts held that the federal registry preempted the state-level licensure.

That's... not quite what the case was about....

A couple of states had given Fulton a monopoly on operating steamboats on their waters (clearly commerce, given they charged to do this)

Gibbons operated one between one of those states and one that had NOT granted Fulton a monopoly- under the authority of a 5-years-older law regulating coastal trade (commerce!)

The court found the 1793 federal law was supreme over the 1798 state-specific monopoly, since congress has the right to regulate commercial activity.

Operating commercial shipping between states is, pretty obviously, a commercial activity. Thus this case.

"Turning right on red" on a local road is not a commercial activity.


Your inability to see a difference here is....very weird.




I really don't see any meaningful difference between the federal government establishing national-level rules for registering and operating steamboats and doing the same for autonomous vehicles.

Clearly you don't.

The fact that the states have a much larger pool of laws established over a much longer period of time does make federal preemption a much bigger pain in the backside for the states, but the legal framework is still there for doing so, and a two century-old precedent seems unlikely to be discarded even by the current SCOTUS.


So...you're just going to ignore all the more recent examples- including supreme court cases I cited- that prove you wrong then?

Where the court was very clear there are significant limits to the feds ability to coerce states regarding things like drinking age and traffic laws like speed limits?


If the feds CAN set national traffic law- why did they not set a 55 mph speed limit in law, period full stop, instead of only threatening to cut federal highway funds if the states did not - individually and voluntarily- set a 55 mph speed limit themselves?

Spoiler: It's because- unlike you- the feds knew they lacked the power under the constitution to compel the states with a federal speed limit.
 
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There is no commerce of any kind in "local road traffic laws" so your trying to fit the round peg of "commerce clause" into the square hole of "local traffic laws" continues to be hilariously misguided.
We've had decades of the commerce clause being used to massively expand federal powers. I don't see that changing any time soon.

That's... not quite what the case was about....

A couple of states had given Fulton a monopoly on operating steamboats on their waters (clearly commerce, given they charged to do this)
States charge people for a license to operate a motor vehicle, too. Clearly commerce by that definitinon.

Gibbons operated one between one of those states and one that had NOT granted Fulton a monopoly- under the authority of a 5-years-older law regulating coastal trade (commerce!)
Regardless of timing, a federal law preempting a state licensure law over transportation. And I think you'll find that the exact same situation will occur when conflicts come up between states that have granted particular automakers and/or owners approval to operate their vehicles in self-driving mode and states that have not. The difference between those situations is relatively small, particularly if those autonomous vehicles are used in commerce in any way.


Operating commercial shipping between states is, pretty obviously, a commercial activity. Thus this case.
And self-driving trucks shipping between states is, pretty obviously, a commercial activity.


"Turning right on red" on a local road is not a commercial activity.
Turning right on red significantly affects time-in-transit for shipping, which is a commercial activity. You're stretching your argument pretty thinly here.

Your inability to see a difference here is....very weird.
Your inability to see the similarities is very weird, IMO.

Look, I'm not saying anything is open and shut. Cases are always different. But that was a pretty clear example of a state attempting to regulate transportation within its borders that was ruled illegal by a federal law.

So...you're just going to ignore all the more recent examples- including supreme court cases I cited- that prove you wrong then?
The only post I see from you that indirectly cites a SCOTUS case (and maybe I missed something) was about the legal drinking age, in which the courts established rules that limited the constitutionality of using Congress's spending power to influence state laws. But I didn't see an actual citation for that, and we're not talking about the constitutionality of using the spending clause anyway, making that a moot comparison unless the SCOTUS case also explicitly denied commerce clause protection.

And the only case I could find regarding the national speed limit law was People v. Williams in 1985, which never made it past a state-level appeals court, and held again that it was within Congress's right as part of its spending power, without considering whether it would still have the right under the commerce clause.

Where the court was very clear there are significant limits to the feds ability to coerce states regarding things like drinking age and traffic laws like speed limits?
Citations, please?


If the feds CAN set national traffic law- why did they not set a 55 mph speed limit in law, period full stop, instead of only threatening to cut federal highway funds if the states did not - individually and voluntarily- set a 55 mph speed limit themselves?
Possible answers:
  • Because Nixon was president, and he would have vetoed a more significant expansion of federal powers
  • Because any attempt to do so would have been tied up in court for years, and they needed the gasoline savings immediately
There are probably other reasons as well.

Spoiler: It's because- unlike you- the feds knew they lacked the power under the constitution to compel the states with a federal speed limit.
The federal government gets laws struck down as unconstitutional periodically. Believing that Congress somehow knows that they lack the power to do something seems like wishful thinking to me. Nobody knows for certain what they can get away with until they do it and the courts either say "That's okay," or "Bad legislator, no cookie."

That's not to say that they might decide to try things in particular ways that minimize the risk of laws getting struck down, nor is that to say that doing so isn't a good idea, but that's the answer to a very different question.
 
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We've had decades of the commerce clause being used to massively expand federal powers. I don't see that changing any time soon.

Then you haven't been paying attention.

Commerce clause has largely been pulled BACK in recent decades by SCOTUS.

Thought your reply is pretty weird given it was about my pointing out that "making a right on red" does not involve any commerce





States charge people for a license to operate a motor vehicle, too. Clearly commerce by that definitinon.

Again you seem to be conflating unrelated things.

Nobody gets charged money for traffic laws. Nobody pays extra to have a right to turn right on red.

There is no commerce here


The feds can regulate SELLING a gun. Because that's commerce. They can not regulate if you're allowed to carry one or not in a given state-- because that's a power reserved for the states under the 10th amendment.

The feds can regulate safety regs to manufacture liquor for sale. Because that's commerce. They can not regulate if you're allowed to drink it in public in your home town, because that's a power reserved for states (and often delegates to local governments).


Regardless of timing, a federal law preempting a state licensure law over transportation. And I think you'll find that the exact same situation will occur when conflicts come up between states that have granted particular automakers and/or owners approval to operate their vehicles in self-driving mode and states that have not.

I think you won't because they're not even vaguely similar legally.

Not to mention, laws ALREADY change when you cross state lines. Nobody cares. The idea you think they will when the 'car' is driving instead of the person is nonsensical.

The HUMAN has to know if it's legal to turn right on red in this state or city-- why wouldn't the car be expected to? Hell it's far easier for the car since the computer can include a database of all the state-specific rules, know based on GPS which to use, and you can wholesale update them via OTA anytime they change.

Versus the human today who probably didn't bother to even look up any different rules in states he drives through- and certainly isn't going to be updating his knowledge of them regularly.

So your entire idea is an unconstitutional solution to an imaginary problem.





The difference between those situations is relatively small, particularly if those autonomous vehicles are used in commerce in any way.


It's really not.

Again, truckers do this today and for decades past and nobody has suggested making traffic laws uniform federally to "fix" what you think is a problem but really is not.

Computers driving will be less of a problem with differing laws than humans.

(plus another reason the feds haven't "fixed" it for human truckers is they don't actually have the power to... there's no impact to commerce either way if you can pass on the left or right legally)




And self-driving trucks shipping between states is, pretty obviously, a commercial activity.

That will do a better job obeying traffic laws in the various states than humans will.


Turning right on red significantly affects time-in-transit for shipping, which is a commercial activity. You're stretching your argument pretty thinly here.

<citation required>

Also, perhaps you're not aware, but many trucking companies forbid their drivers from turning right on red, even where legal, because of how much more dangerous this is in a semi.

Lastly, if this is really slowing down commerce, AND you believe (albeit wrongly) the feds can pass a law to fix it--- why haven't they? Ever?

(Hint: it's because they lack the power to do it--- you need more than JUST "has anything to do with commerce at all" to pass constitutional muster)



Look, I'm not saying anything is open and shut. Cases are always different.

That has not at all been how I've read your posts where you seem to wave your hands and say COMMERCE! a lot.


But that was a pretty clear example of a state attempting to regulate transportation within its borders that was ruled illegal by a federal law.

It was an example of a state trying to grant a monopoly to one party- in violation of already existing federal law

It's not, at all, even a tiny bit, relevant to general state traffic laws.


The only post I see from you that indirectly cites a SCOTUS case (and maybe I missed something) was about the legal drinking age, in which the courts established rules that limited the constitutionality of using Congress's spending power to influence state laws. But I didn't see an actual citation for that

Of course you did. And it directly cited one.

South Dakota v. Dole. Cited in post 5877.

I also cited the actual tests involved for the law to pass muster with the courts in post post 5852 correcting someone else who mistakenly thought it was a commerce clause case.

If you're not reading half of what I post it might explain why you keep getting this stuff wrong though.



, and we're not talking about the constitutionality of using the spending clause anyway

The user I originally replied to was talking about exactly that- hence my correction.

But I'll give you ANOTHER case that also is a major problem with what you suggest.

Printz v. United States

The original brady bill created a national background check system for commercial sale of firearms. That's legal under the commerce clause.

But it ALSO imposed a duty on state law enforcement to implement it. That's a violation of the constitution and was tossed out.

The Government had argued that the anti-commandeering doctrine established in New York v. United States (1992), which held that Congress could not command state legislatures to either pass a law or take ownership of nuclear waste, did not apply to state officials.

Rejecting the Government's argument, the Court held that the Tenth Amendment categorically forbids the Federal Government from commanding state officials directly



So even if the feds COULD pass a law saying "The local traffic laws everywhere in the US are X" it would be illegal for them to compel any state or local official to actually ENFORCE those rules. Rendering them moot. Just as it's be unconstitutional for them to pass one requiring each states legislatures to pass such laws.

(this is another problem with your idea, and only really relevant if we ignore the reasons the basic law itself wouldn't already violate the constitutions concept of dual sovereignty and the 10th amendment)



And the only case I could find regarding the national speed limit law was People v. Williams in 1985, which never made it past a state-level appeals court, and held again that it was within Congress's right as part of its spending power, without considering whether it would still have the right under the commerce clause.

It didn't consider the commerce clause because it wasn't relevant-this was a spending power case... more on that in a second though.

Also did you actually READ the ruling? Or the similar Kansas supreme court one it cites?

In BOTH cases the court makes clear the power to set speed limits is a STATE power- not federal- specifically in regard to the argument the state was illegally delegating that power to the federal government.

The reason this claim was rejected was the laws the states passed didn't meet the criteria for illegal delegation of power. But the court was VERY CLEAR that it was a power of the state to set the speed limit....and that the states were simply passing state laws to set that speed limit, but including some conditions relating to federal rules (out of coersion for highway funds in this case... which the Dole case later clarifies the limits of too)

Meaning if the feds has simply passed a national speed limit law, THAT would have been thrown out as a violation of the 10th amendment. Same as your idea would be.

In fact- the Williams ruling explcitly gives an example of just that

Your own citation said:
In comparison, the Montana Supreme Court invalidated legislation granting the United States Congress unrestricted authority to establish speed limits within the State of Montana


Further, remember the commerce thing? The only mentions they DO make of it are:

To cite the trial court found that Congress lacked power to regulate motor vehicle speed on noninterstate highways under the commerce clause.

And to cite MULTIPLE cases where courts made clear the 10th amendment really is a thing.

Your cite said:
the federal courts have chosen to rely on the distinction drawn between direct regulation over a particular area traditionally reserved to the sovereign authority of states, and the use of the federal largesse to indirectly "induce" states to support certain federal policies. As long as the states are free to accept or reject the federally funded program and conditions attached to that program, state sovereignty is not invaded.

Traffic laws are traditionally reserved to the sovereign authority of the states.

The federal government can not directly regulate them constitutionally.

They can certainly use the spending power to encourage states to change them- state by state- in specific ways- ways limited by the ruling in Dole.

(they also cite cases pointing out fiat fed regulations imposing significant burden on states can also violate the 10th (this is why the Medicaid expansion in the ACA had to be funded the way it was- and even THEN the court found it MUST be optional for states, not required)-- and in many states significant changes to traffic laws would impose such burdens down to the street and city planning level (and signage, drivers ed, and more-- but this is like the 4th level of reasons your ideas violate the constitution, there's plenty above before getting down here)


Thanks for proving the cite to the Williams case since it does a great job making clear your augment is factually wrong here in the footnotes and such :)
 
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To cite the trial court found that Congress lacked power to regulate motor vehicle speed on noninterstate highways under the commerce clause.
I'm not very familiar with these court structures, but I believe Montana Supreme Court handles cases involving Montana state laws and state constitution issues, so "Montana Supreme Court invalidated legislation granting the United States Congress unrestricted authority to establish speed limits…" is referring to Montana's judicial branch saying Montana's legislative branch did something wrong in trying to conform to the federal National Maximum Speed Law.

Whereas US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit (which also handles US District Court of Montana) affirmed the US constitutionality of the national speed limit where Nevada increased the speed limit on Nevada highways in excess of the federal law to test if the federal government would actually enforce their "coercion" of withholding 95% of Nevada's highway funds. The State of Nevada, Plaintiff-appellant, v. Samuel K. Skinner* Secretary of Transportationfor the United States; and A.j. Horner, Chief Ofthe Nevada Division of the Federalhighway Administration,defendants-appellees, 884 F.2d 445 (9th Cir. 1989)

In fact, Circuit Judge Reinhardt explained how the federal National Maximum Speed Law could have been passed with the Commerce Clause instead of Spending Power as well as how it is not a violation of the 10th Amendment.

Overall, the Commerce Clause is indeed quite broad (except for the special case of alcohol via 21st Amendment [thanks for the clarification👍]) and the fact that the federal National Maximum Speed Law was signed into law in 1974 as well as federally enforced until Congress decided to repeal it in 1995 seems to indicate the federal government could indeed pass legislation to standardize local roads again in the context of promoting safety (and commerce) with self-driving vehicles.

Unclear if that would happen or if it's even necessary as the executive branch probably has existing authority to prevent sales of new vehicles that are "unsafe" via NHTSA. For example, if self-driving cars are shown to be much safer than human-driven ones, could NHTSA decide only "safe" ones are allowed to be sold? And extending from there, maybe only "safe" vehicles are those that are allowed to drive on some standardized roads. This would be quite heavy handed and roundabout way to get there, so Congress would probably jump in anyway.
 
The feds can regulate SELLING a gun. Because that's commerce. They can not regulate if you're allowed to carry one or not in a given state-- because that's a power reserved for the states under the 10th amendment.
That's almost completely irrelevant. States trying to pass laws restricting what kinds of guns are allowed have often been struck down. And when states have laws saying that autonomous vehicles must behave in a particular way, that's a lot more comparable to regulations restricting what kinds of guns are allowed than to regulations about whether you're allowed to openly carry a gun.

The feds can regulate safety regs to manufacture liquor for sale. Because that's commerce. They can not regulate if you're allowed to drink it in public in your home town, because that's a power reserved for states (and often delegates to local governments).
See above.

(plus another reason the feds haven't "fixed" it for human truckers is they don't actually have the power to... there's no impact to commerce either way if you can pass on the left or right legally)
Surely you jest. Anything that takes extra time costs transit companies money. That's an impact to commerce.

Also, perhaps you're not aware, but many trucking companies forbid their drivers from turning right on red, even where legal, because of how much more dangerous this is in a semi.
And the flip side of that is Amazon, who seems to encourage their drivers to ignore traffic laws to get there faster — not officially, of course.... :)

Lastly, if this is really slowing down commerce, AND you believe (albeit wrongly) the feds can pass a law to fix it--- why haven't they? Ever?
Why do lawmakers fail to do anything? Lack of adequate bribes^H^H^H^H^Hlobbying, mostly.

It was an example of a state trying to grant a monopoly to one party- in violation of already existing federal law
Why do you keep implying that the timing of the law matters? Either federal law preempts state law in a given area or it doesn't. The order in which the laws were passed is immaterial to the constitutionality question.

But I'll give you ANOTHER case that also is a major problem with what you suggest.

Printz v. United States

The original brady bill created a national background check system for commercial sale of firearms. That's legal under the commerce clause.

But it ALSO imposed a duty on state law enforcement to implement it. That's a violation of the constitution and was tossed out.

Overriding a state law in a manner that removes illegality does not per se create additional enforcement burden, but rather reduces that burden. I fail to see how that case applies. At all.

Specifying that self-driving vehicles, which currently lack any regulatory framework in most states, shall be governed under a federal regulatory framework saying what is and is not illegal. Requiring vehicle testing in lieu of enforcement does not create enforcement burden, but rather reduces it.

In BOTH cases the court makes clear the power to set speed limits is a STATE power- not federal- specifically in regard to the argument the state was illegally delegating that power to the federal government.
A court saying something is, at most, binding within court's jurisdiction. It is meaningless in the broader context of whether it would be upheld at the federal level. Lower courts say all sorts of things. That doesn't make them absolute legal truth. Justifying your opinion with non-SCOTUS cases really isn't all that compelling from my perspective.

Traffic laws are traditionally reserved to the sovereign authority of the states.
By that standard, everything that doesn't currently have a federal law is traditionally reserved to the sovereign authority of the states. With respect, I dissent.
 
I'm not very familiar with these court structures, but I believe Montana Supreme Court handles cases involving Montana state laws and state constitution issues, so "Montana Supreme Court invalidated legislation granting the United States Congress unrestricted authority to establish speed limits…" is referring to Montana's judicial branch saying Montana's legislative branch did something wrong in trying to conform to the federal National Maximum Speed Law.

More specifically- it was pointing out that a state delegating the state right to set speed limits to the federal congress violates the law.

The point being setting speed limits is a state right, not a federal one.


Whereas US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit (which also handles US District Court of Montana) affirmed the US constitutionality of the national speed limit where Nevada increased the speed limit on Nevada highways in excess of the federal law to test if the federal government would actually enforce their "coercion" of withholding 95% of Nevada's highway funds.


The case is from 89... the Prinz case, decided by the US Supreme Court in 1997, directly contradicts the court of appeals claims in your 89 ruling regarding things like Fed regulations forcing state officials to enforce federal law.

The very things your case speculates are no longer a thing turned out to, very much, still be a thing when SCOTUS looked at it.

If you're wondering why that didn't cause a revisit of your case- it's because 2 years earlier- in 1995, Congress repealed the NMSL, fully returning speed limit-setting authority to the individual states.



Overall, the Commerce Clause is indeed quite broad (except for the special case of alcohol via 21st Amendment [thanks for the clarification👍]) and the fact that the federal National Maximum Speed Law was signed into law in 1974 as well as federally enforced until Congress decided to repeal it in 1995 seems to indicate the federal government could indeed pass legislation to standardize local roads again in the context of promoting safety (and commerce) with self-driving vehicles.

Except they didn't actually do any of that.

They used the spending power... and in a way that wouldn't remotely pass muster today under Printz (the 95% cut is MASSIVELY too much.... SCOTUS was pretty clear a 5-10% threatened cut is ok, but 95% would not be)


As I pointed out earlier- if they COULD have just passed a blanket speed limit, without adding all the extra work and mechanics of using the spending power on a case by case basis, they would have. It would've been much simpler and more straightforward.

But presumably those in congress checked and were told a court would toss that out, and used the spending power instead.... albeit to a degree that ALSO wouldn't be allowed today.



To be honest, I don't recall. I think it was probably a second amendment preemption.

Exactly.

Whereas there's no constitutional right to turn right on red.


The point on the gun thing was that states control who can carry a firearm... sometimes the rules they pass go too far and violate the 2nd and are pulled back, but it remains a STATE right to set those rules.... SALE of firearms can be governed federally under the commerce clause to a great degree, but regulation once you own the thing is largely a state matter.

Just like the feds can set standards for safety of a new vehicle- but NOT determine local and state traffic laws for that vehicle (see again them requiring seat belts to be IN cars sold as new- but they can NOT require you to use them- states can).
 
The case is from 89... the Printz case, decided by the US Supreme Court in 1997, directly contradicts the court of appeals claims in your 89 ruling regarding things like Fed regulations forcing state officials to enforce federal law.
Just because a later case in 1997 agreed that it was a violation of the 10th Amendment for a federal law to force people in local law enforcement to conduct background checks doesn't mean it "directly contradicts" the earlier case relating to speed limits. So similarly, a new federal traffic law could be in violation of the 10th Amendment or it might not depending on how it's written. Legislators and lawyers will probably look to these cases especially the judicial opinions to see how they should approach things with extra focus on "similar" cases involving traffic laws:

IV. The National Speed Limit and the Tenth Amendment​
Even if the national speed limit falls within the broad ambit of the Commerce Clause, there may remain limitations on the exercise of federal power within this zone of authority. See generally L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law 378-88 (2d ed. 1988). Appellant argues that the Tenth Amendment carves out a sphere of state influence upon which even the Commerce power may not intrude. We disagree.​
…​
Moreover, even if we were to apply the traditional government test of Usery, we do not believe that the national speed limit would infringe upon any integral state function. While the federal courts have, on occasion, given "lip service" to the notion of state control over roads, it has most frequently done so in the context of striking down state legislation as a burden on interstate commerce. See, e.g., Navajo Freight Lines, 359 U.S. at 523, 79 S.Ct. at 964 (striking down Illinois mud-flap regulation despite States "broad and pervasive" authority over highways). Nor is the federal government a newcomer to this field. Congress first promulgated the Federal Aid Highway Act in the first years of this century, and the task of building the Interstate Highway System has been an endeavor spanning four decades. Thus, the control of roads and highways has not traditionally fallen under plenary state control but under the cooperative agreement of state, local, and federal officials. Even during the brief ascendancy of the National League of Cities doctrines, courts frequently upheld federal regulation of state highways. See, e.g., Friends of the Earth v. Carey, 552 F.2d 25, 38 (2d Cir. 1977) ("[t]he regulation of traffic on roads and highways, with its strong regional and interstate character . . . has long been considered to be a cooperative effort between City, State and federal authorities, with no single entity being able to provide or impose a comprehensive traffic system, and with federal power, where necessary, taking precedence") (emphasis added). Cf. United Trans. Union v. Long Island R.R. Co., 455 U.S. 678, 102 S.Ct. 1349, 71 L.Ed.2d 547 (1982) (upholding federal regulation of railroads).​
Maybe State of Nevada lawyers could have requested appeals to the US Supreme Court disagreeing with the Circuit Court, or they didn't feel like it was worthwhile to continue. Where "worthwhile" could mean enforcing (or lack of enforcing as many places were lenient about the national speed limit) wasn't that big of a "burden" as highway patrol would have been doing very similar things with a different local speed limit, so this could very well be different for a future traffic law that tries to change even more for self-driving cars.

To be clear, I am very much in favor of less federal involvement and prefer local governments that have much closer interactions/understanding/accountability with those being governed, but how the Constitution has been written and interpreted has led to a lot of laws with broad impact.
 
This article about SF Supervisors Push Regulators To Rein in Cruise, Waymo Self-Driving Cars has an interesting paragraph:

The letter said that a major expansion of the company’s presence in the city could “significantly undermine street performance for all San Francisco travelers,” citing travel lane failures that could impact emergency services.​
Where potentially "undermine street performance" is referring to how autonomous vehicles could be a burden to others' ability to use the local intrastate streets to do commerce very much like Circuit Judge Reinhardt's judicial opinion on the national speed limit:

III. The National Speed Limit and the Commerce Clause​
The Commerce Clause forms the broadest base of Congressional power. The power is "complete in itself, may be exercised to its utmost extent, and acknowledges no limitations other than are prescribed in the constitution." Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat 1, 196, 6 L.Ed. 23 (1824). Not only does Congress have authority over the instrumentalities of and products in interstate channels, it may regulate activities "affecting commerce," even if, by themselves, the activity is purely intrastate in character. Perez v. United States, 402 U.S. 146, 150, 91 S.Ct. 1357, 1359, 28 L.Ed.2d 686 (1971). See also Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining Reclamation Ass'n, Inc., 452 U.S. 264, 277, 101 S.Ct. 2352, 2360, 69 L.Ed.2d 1 (1981); Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111, 127-23, 63 S.Ct. 82, 90-91, 87 L.Ed. 122 (1942).​
Additionally the article talks about emergency services and safety that already fall under the purview of NHTSA, which I believe has authorization to ensure safe roads via the Commerce Clause.

On the flip side, if local governments ban or put restrictions on self-driving cars, it seems like the federal government could take precedence to allow these vehicles to ensure commerce especially if the self-driving cars are working well in other places.
 
To be clear. There are no regulators when it comes to autonomy. If there were, FSD wouldn't exist like it does today either.
"Regulators" is a boogyeman Tesla puts out there to excuse their development progress.
Same with calling it “beta”. Is it beta? For sure. But best believe Tesla isn’t dropping that subtext anytime soon. It’s their catch all excuse for unexpected, poor behavior from the system.
 
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Sure, but states can make additional rules.
Just like California has more strict emission rules.
I'm surprised you are using this example.

There is a very long history to this and CA has been given an exception in this case (which Trump administration tried to take back etc).


 
I'm surprised you are using this example.

There is a very long history to this and CA has been given an exception in this case (which Trump administration tried to take back etc).


Admittedly I missed that story however California never lost its right to regulate emissions and the current administration stopped fighting the case.
There was a recent case California won where the plaintiff claimed that the Low Carbon Fuel Standard violated the Commerce Clause.